A Response to "Becoming Amhara: ethnic identity changes as a quest for respect in Aari, Ethiopia" by Julian Sommerschuh

 Asress Adimi Gikay (PhD)

Recently, the Journal of East African Studies published an article titled "Becoming Amhara: ethnic identity changes as a quest for respect in Aari, Ethiopia" authored by Julian Sommerschuh of the University of Hamburg. The article carries deeply offensive and demeaning content towards the Aari people. But it also suffers from significant methodological and substantive flaws. If this article indeed went through a peer review process, it should not have been published.

Julian Jasper Sommerschuh

Recognizing the seriousness of concerns raised by myself and other readers, the publisher, Taylor and Francis Group, has launched an investigation to determine the appropriate course of action.

This concise response paper highlights the critical shortcomings in Sommerschuh's article, raising significant questions about his research ethics and academic  integrity. It reiterates the need for the removal or retraction of the article.

Shortcoming of the paper and its wider implication

Sommerschuh claims that the study demonstrates that Aari people do not want to make ethnicity the corner stone of their identity. He argues:

“In search of respect and self-esteem, Aari engage in linguistic, economic, and religious practices understood to affect ethnic identity change; by ‘becoming Amhara’ they hope to attain the recognition they were long denied. Contrary to what is widely assumed in present-day Ethiopia, this suggests that not all Ethiopians wish to make ‘their’ ethnicity the cornerstone of their identity(abstract).”

The author's above claim is unsupported by any credible evidence.Whilst there are numerous troubling facets of Sommerschuh's work, I will concentrate on a select few crucial points.   

Methodological error — insufficient sample 

The author's conclusion that members of the Aari ethnic group aspire to become Amhara, historically belonging to a ruling class and migrants in the Southern Ethiopia, may seem grounded in serious empirical data. Sommerschuh asserts that his conclusion is derived from two years of field work. However, the reference to the two year's field work seems to serve as a mere facade to give an unwarranted legitimacy to the author's work. 

I must confess at the outset that I am not an anthropologist or a social science researcher. I acknowledge that research methods in social science and legal studies, the latter being my field, do differ slightly. However, it is precisely because I can effortlessly understand the methodological flaw in Sommerschuh's work that  the issue should be considered to be of utmost gravity

In a study of this kind, the author is generally expected to offer a comprehensive explanation of the methodology employed in a dedicated section, specifically concerning the sample utilized to derive their conclusion, as well as an acknowledgment of the limitations in the methodology(if any).

Unfortunately, Sommerschuh neglects to adhere to a widely accepted protocol, which is especially crucial in the realm of social sciences, including anthropology.

Since Sommerschuh's article unequivocally refers to Aari people(not a section of Aari society), I will begin by analyzing population data. The Aari people were estimated to be 300,000, based on the official population statistics from 2007. By then, Ethiopia's total population was estimated to be 85 million, whereas today it is estimated to be around 120 million.

Consequently, the current population of the Aari people is likely significantly higher. The author does not consider this crucial factor when making  a conclusion that seemingly applies to the whole Aari people.

Whilst it is understandable that obtaining precise and up-to-date official figures can be challenging, it is concerning that the author claims to have conducted two years of field work without visiting the local government office to access more accurate data. This oversight raises questions about the thoroughness or even the truthfulness of the field research conducted by the author.

The author's claim about interviewing members of the Aari community in Dell Kebele, the smallest administrative unit in Ethiopia with roughly 4,000 inhabitants, to frame a narrative of mass Amharisation is problematic, and is perhaps one of the significant flaws in the research methodology. Sommerschuh is opaque about the number of individuals interviewed for his research. 

The reading of the paper seems to suggest that not more than a dozen persons might have been interviewed. Such a sample is not sufficient to support a finding of Amharisation, even in Dell Kebele alone.

Even if we consider a qualitative approach rather than a quantitative one, interpreting responses regarding the desire to become Amhara presents challenges. This is particularly true for individuals with limited literacy levels, as they may conflate modernity and Ethiopian identity with Amhara identity. For instance, the author cites the ownership of a thin-roofed house as an indicator of Amharization. But this change in the types of residential homes is one of the features of modern Ethiopia, than Amhara. 

In fact, many people in the Amhara region still reside in small mud and wood houses, commonly referred to as huts, and do not own thin-roofed houses. If owning a thin-roofed house is seen as a distinct feature of the Amhara, how is it possible that people in the Amhara region do not own such houses? What is the identity of those in Amhara region who still live in huts? Are they not Amhara, even though they were born Amhara, because they do not own thin-roofed houses? 

The author's methodology is flawed on multiple fronts. Firstly, the sample size used is insufficient, and therefore unrepresentative to reach a conclusive finding, in relation to Dell Kebelle of 4,000 people, let alone the broader Aari community numbering about 500,000 people. 

Moreover, the qualitative assessment employed by the author is also problematic, as individuals with lower literacy levels within the Aari community may mistakenly associate their aspirations for modernity with a desire for Amharization. 

This perspective was expressed by a reader on the Twitter page of the Journal of Eastern African Studies (JAES) in response to this particular paper. These criticisms highlight the shortcomings of the author's methodology and the potential biases that may have influenced their conclusions. 

Deceptive presentation of findings—academic dishonesty

Sommerschuh might argue that his findings represent the perspectives of members of  the Aari community in Dell Kebele, but the sample size used is inadequate, as discussed earlier. 

However, the manner in which he presents his findings is fundamentally deceptive. The title of the work, "Becoming Amhara: ethnic identity changes as a quest for respect in Aari, Ethiopia," implies that the findings apply universally to the Aari population.

To clarify the article's scope from the beginning, the author could have included qualifications such as "a case study from Dell Kebele." Typically, authors inform readers about the research's scope and basis in the abstract, which most readers rely on to grasp the main idea. However, Sommerschuh fails to specify the geographic area to which the findings apply.

By merely stating "two years of ethnographic fieldwork" without mentioning the sample size or geographic scope, Sommerschuh conveniently misses another opportunity to clarify the extent of the findings in the abstract. Given the contentious nature of the study, an essential methodology section should have been included, but that is notably absent as well.

Today, readers mostly take a glance at abstracts to form opinions, rarely delving into footnotes for further understanding. Fully aware of this limitation of readers, Sommerschuh adds a qualification to his findings in a footnote, but quickly concludes that "conversations with people from other parts of Aari confirmed my Dell findings." 

Predictably,  despite being widely rejected by readers, the article is circulated among those with pre-existing misconceptions about the Aari people, serving as a proof of their notion of broad Amharisation trend.

Considering Sommerschuh's experience as a seasoned researcher, the lack or concealment of crucial aspects the research in the paper strongly suggests an intentional decision to mislead readers. Within the realm of academic dishonesty, these actions constitute improper research practices with severe consequences.

Confirmation bias

Confirmation bias is a significant challenge that scientific papers need to address. Researchers may tend to include data that confirms their pre-existing beliefs while excluding evidence that contradicts their assumptions. This can take the form of statistical bias (biased sample selection) or disregarding qualitative data that shows a different picture.

As previously mentioned, the sample relied upon by Sommerschuh to support the argument of a systemic phenomenon of Amharization is significantly inadequate. Whilst the author is opaque regarding the sample size used, the insufficiency of the sample remains a concern even if we assume that a reasonable number of individuals among the estimated 4,000 residents of Dell were interviewed.

Moreover, it is expected that a seasoned researcher, such as the author, would recognize the importance of including diverse groups when examining complex socio-cultural issues. 

Factors such as age, gender, religion, and education should be considered in determining the relevant demographics. Responses to questions such as sense of pride in ones' culture and identity are determined by many factors including literacy level. However, the paper lacks clarity on the level of education and economic status of the subjects interviewed.

Generally, it is observed that individuals who are more educated and financially stable are more likely to have a strong sense of their Aari identity and can differentiate it from their Ethiopian identity. Ethiopia itself is built on the principle of unity in diversity, where various ethnic groups actively cultivate and preserve their unique socio-cultural identities while remaining part of a modern Ethiopian society.

Sommerschuh's study appears to have primarily targeted rural, poor farmers with low literacy levels, who are likely to conflate Ethiopian Identity with Amhara identity. Additionally, it is evident that the author intentionally excluded demographics that could be characterized as literate. 

"As elsewhere in Ethiopia, the federal government’s ethnic politics are most vocally endorsed by the small stratum of town-dwelling, educated Aari. These ethnic elites stand to profit from ethnic federalism: projecting an Aari identity for them paves the road to administrative posts and government funds. In the countryside, by contrast, where the vast majority of Aari live, reactions to the discourse on ethnicity look rather different (page 5)."

The author's disregard for Ari ethnic pride is evident in how he conveniently dismisses demographic data that contradicts his claim by labelling them as "ethnic elites who stand to profit for ethnic federalism."   

Ethnic federalism remains a highly contentious political concept in Ethiopia. Given that the Ethiopian constitution is founded on this principle, it is unsurprising that most ethnic groups, including the Aari, actively assert their ethnic identity. This may stem from political motivations or other factors, but what precisely motivates it is irrelevant.

In Sommerschuh's study, a significant demographic group is conspicuously excluded based solely on political judgment. The author's primary objective seems to be confirming his pre-existing belief regarding the Aari people's supposed mass Amharization. Consequently, the finding of the study is tainted by a acute confirmation bias, and as such lacks credibility.

Any scientific paper, specially addressing a sensitive topic involving human subjects must provide clear definitions of the demographics studied, their distinctive characteristics, and the potential limitations of the chosen methodology. However, Sommerschuh appeared determined to prove, by all means necessary, his claim that the Aari people are rapidly adopting an Amhara identity.

Remarkably, the author heavily relies on anecdotal evidence predominantly gathered from elderly women with low literacy levels, who are more prone to misunderstanding complex questions. As such, the author's fieldwork interviews completely omit male participant or other demographic groups.

The large part of the paper primarily presents a one-sided interpretation of intricate and subjective social, economic, and cultural phenomena. In some instances, there are outright falsehoods.

 Ignoring strong evidence of Aari cultural development 

The recognition of the equality of nations and nationalities in Ethiopia in the 1995 constitution, has provided an opportunity for the Aari people to promote and celebrate their culture and identity throughout the past three decades. 

Within the South Omo zone, there has been a noticeable surge in the Ari people's pride for their traditional green attire adorned with white, pink, and blue stripes, along with a distinctive Tiger skin-coloured pattern on the chest. This vibrant and culturally significant attire has now become a familiar sight among the Aari community.

 

    Aari Attire 

Similarly, Aari musicians have been flourishing and thriving over the past three decades. For several years now, the Ari language has been taught in schools, and this year, an Ari language dictionary was published. The Ari people now celebrate their own new year, called Dishta Gina on December 1, which is distinct from the Ethiopian New Year.

Dishta Gina Celebration

As the Aari population grows, a sense of common identity has emerged, leading to a demand for an Aari-only administrative zone. Dissatisfied with the current political arrangement that merges them with several other ethnic groups in South Omo, the Aari people believe that the time has come for them to administer their own zone. This demand in part reflects the Aari people's desire to preserve and promote their unique cultural identity and to have greater control over their own affairs.

The demand for Zonal Status by the Aari people escalated to an ethnic violence in South Omo, in April 2022. This led to the imprisonment of numerous members of the Ari Community. The ethnic violence of last year is seen by many as a significant moment in the Aari people's assertion of their identity and pride.

Despite the crackdown by security forces, the Aari people have become more vocal in asserting their culture and ethnic identity. The majority of Aari actively reject other cultures and promote Aari language, culture, and identity. This is notwithstanding the fact the Amharic is the working language not only in the South, but nationwide.  Furthermore, the Aari People's Development Association is the only development association in South Omo, despite the zone being home to more than 16 ethnic groups.

The aforementioned phenomena cannot be attributed solely to a small group of town Ari elites. The entire Ari community, living in both urban and rural areas, has embraced Ari songs as their preferred musical genre. Self-interested political elites that Sommerschuh brands as the sole beneficiaries of ethnic federalism did not orchestrate all these developments. It is disheartening that Sommerschuh preferred to amplify the whispers in his ear from a few elderly people in a crowd of thousands who celebrate being Aari.

The socio-economic, cultural, and political advancements within the Aari community strongly challenge the author's claim of Amharization among the Aari people. The lack of objective research and a balanced perspective in the author's assertions raise concerns regarding their motives and research integrity, casting doubt on the credibility of their work.

Misunderstanding the local concept of "Gamma"

The older generation of Aari refer to lighter skinned persons as "Gamma", a term which describes not only Amhara, but also others from Central and Northern Ethiopia including Gurage, Tigrayan and Oromo. So, the term Gamma does not exclusively refer to Amhara, although someone with no in-depth knowledge about Aari language and culture might interpret the term to mean Amhara. Sommerschuh appears to have fallen victim to this.

Today, elderly people keep this term and thus are likely to refer to their grandchildren who went to university as Gamma. But this is a fading concept among the younger generations. If an 80 year’s old grandmother refers to her grandson as Gamma, she is simply referring to a modern Ethiopian in her way. Sommerschuh knowingly or unknowingly interprets this as a desire of broader Ari people to become Amhara, by chasing evidence from a dying population group.

Today, learning Amharic, the working language of Ethiopia is common across the country even among the strongest ethno-nationalist groups. Ari people are no different. At this point, Amharic is a synonym of Ethiopian. But the author used this to say the Aari people are an exception in their desire to become Amhara, although today, the Aari culture and identity is becoming stronger than ever before.

Essentially, the author would argue that owning a brick house, driving a car, cycling, eating with fork, and building a bridge is sign of being Amhara, never mind my parents who identify as Ari use forks to eat pasta and forks were introduced by Italians. The author's assumption that all aspects of modernity equate to Amharaness is oversimplified and fails to acknowledge the broader cultural context at play.

The Sommerschuh’s confusion of the notion of Gamma becomes even apparent when he concludes that being an evangelical is also sign of Amhara. I was born to Orthodox parents but converted to a protestant voluntarily. To this date, I identify as Aari, and we had masses both in Amharic and Ari. None of congregants who largely belonged to Aari felt abandoning Aari identity. 

God is the father for all, whether Amhara, Aari or European. That was and still is the tenet of the faith, even in Orthodox church. Once again, the author is determined to interpret everything to be a sign Amharisation.

Implication beyond academic research

The publication of this paper in the political context of South Omo and Ethiopia has the potential to cause real-life consequences. Last year's violence in the region was partly  triggered by allegations from members of the Aari community that their culture and identity were disrespected by members of the Amhara ethnic group. Such ethnic tensions are common in Ethiopia, and the country has experienced a devastating civil war over the past two plus years due to ethnic politics.

The conflict in South Omo resulted in the destruction of homes and businesses and the deaths of eight people. Having personally visited the zone last year and again in April 2023, I have witnessed first-hand the serious trauma that the conflict has left in the community. Many consider it crucial for all stakeholders to engage in discussions about ethnic identity and culture in a more sensitive manner.

The author's portrayal of the Aari people as submissive, humiliated and ashamed of their identity while presenting the Amhara as oppressors is a misrepresentation of the reality on the ground. In reality, the Amhara, if there is a pure Amhara in South Omo or even the broader Gamma, are a minority group, and have no the strong political or cultural influence, once they had in the past. The author's approach has the potential to exacerbate tensions within the community.

In the context of historical injustices suffered by Aari people, the author’s main thesis is akin to making the claim that Jews aspire to become Germans as a result of the genocide perpetrated against them and the fear it has instilled in them. In reality, such a statement would be untrue and would rightly anger any reasonable minded person. Anecdotes that support it would not be considered suitable for publication in a reputable journal, if for nothing else, to respect the dignity of the people as a group.

Many people perceive Sommerschuh's article as disrespectful and demeaning to the Aari people. Some even consider the author's motive to be further igniting a tension, similar to last year’s tension. The author should understand the virtue of conducting research that considers the complex and sensitive political and socio-cultural contexts of a region and to present findings in a manner that is objective, nuanced, and balanced. The paper unfortunately is insensitive and, completely detached from reality.

Readers’ reaction

Overall, the paper has not been received well by the readers, both Aari and Non-Aari attracting negative feedback on social media. As member of the Aari ethnic group, an academic and a thought leader for the community, I have raised my concern and explained the paper to the wider Aari and Non-Aari communities. Many are disappointed and angry.  Many Aari youth felt that Sommerschuh “broke the plate he ate from.”  His presentation of his so-called finding flies in the face of the dignity of the very people that welcomed him to conduct his research including his doctoral thesis.

Removal/retraction of the paper

Sommerschuh's paper fails to make any meaningful contribution to ethnographic research. The methodology and substantive quality of the paper have left readers shocked and dissatisfied, and there are concerns that it could have an adverse effect on communal peace and harmony in a very vulnerable community. 

In accordance with the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) guidelines adhered to by Taylor and Francis Group, a publication should be retracted by the editors if "they have clear evidence that the findings are unreliable, either as a result of major error (e.g., miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g., of data) or falsification (e.g., image manipulation)." The evidence pointing to the unreliability of Sommerschuh's findings is overwhelming, particularly due to his failure to employ appropriate methodology when reaching such a crucial conclusion.

Sommerschuh has made inexcusable experimental errors, spoken in the field of ethnographic research, and I am sure most of the editors would be aware of this.  The author's conclusion, which states that the 500,000 Aari people aspire to be Amhara based on an interview involving no more than 10 individuals, should outrage any researcher with self-respect and who has undergone the rigorous peer review process to publish their work

Removing this paper form circulation or retracting it is the most appropriate course of action.

I have faith in the peer review system and trust that the editorial board will thoroughly and impartially evaluate the evidence provided and take the appropriate decision.

  

If you have any queries, do not hesitate to contact me.

 

Dr Asress Adimi Gikay (PhD)

Email: asress.gikay@brunel.ac.uk 

Twitter: @DrAsressGikay